Kupperna i Afrika visar på en djupare politisk kris

Kupperna i Afrika visar på en djupare politisk kris

Bara under 2020-talet har det skett nio kupper i Afrika – det är en tredjedel av alla de lyckade kupperna på kontinenten sedan århundradets början. Det är symtom på en bredare politisk kris, skriver The Economist och hänvisar till mätningar som visar att acceptansen för militärstyre har ökat i 24 av 30 afrikanska länder sedan 2014. Yngre afrikaner ses ofta som en latent progressiv kraft – men de är inte mer immuna mot populism än amerikaner är mot Donald Trump, skriver tidningen. De unga kommer att dras till de som erbjuder en förändring för dem, om demokratin inte ser ut att göra det. Democracy is under threat from graft, stagnation and violence By The Economist 3 October 2023 For many years, coups in Africa seemed a thing of the past. But in the 2020s they are back with a vengeance: the nine this decade account for more than a third of successful African putsches this century. At this rate there will be more of them in the 2020s than in any decade since the 1960s. Aside from the latest one, in Gabon on August 30th, the seizures of power have been in the “coup belt”. It is possible, if inadvisable, to walk some 6,000km from the Atlantic coast of west Africa to the shore of the Red Sea and stride only through countries where there have been coups in the past three years (see map). The trek from Guinea to Sudan would cross the Sahel, the region south of the Sahara where there have been two coups each in Mali and Burkina Faso since August 2020, and one in Niger in July. Africa—which covers an area larger than America, China, India, Japan and western Europe combined—is more than its coup belt. Yet the takeovers are part of a broader political crisis. The most recent surveys by Afrobarometer, a pollster, find that in 24 of 30 countries approval of the idea of military rule has risen since 2014. Contingent support is higher. On average across 36 countries more Africans (53%) would be willing to consider a military government than would rule it out (42%) “if elected officials abused their power”—which they often do (see chart 1). Just 38% expressed satisfaction with “democracy”, the lowest share since at least 2014. The backing for potential strongmen or deep dissatisfaction with democracy was common across the coup belt, but also in relatively stable places, including Botswana and South Africa (see chart 2). Afropopulism, for want of a better phrase, is an increasingly potent force. Why is there such widespread discontent? Africans are frustrated with the sham that passes for “democracy” in most countries. They are also fed up with flimsy states that provide neither security nor prosperity. Around two-thirds of them, as well as majorities in 28 of 36 polled countries, feel their countries are heading in the wrong direction. Should this continue, many Africans, especially younger ones, may be tempted to reconsider shabby social contracts—and look for radical change. The most important failure is the provision of security. African states are often strong in areas where they ought to be weak and weak where they ought to be strong. Many regimes are adept at beating or locking up opponents, but inept at stopping their citizens from being robbed or killed. As a consequence, those promising to restore security, however ruthlessly, can gain support from ordinary citizens. Although some African wars in the late 20th century were much deadlier, the overall number of African conflicts is rising, according to a paper published last year by the Peace Research Institute Oslo. It noted that small conflicts caused more deaths in 2021 than at any point since its data began in 1989. The number of conflicts in which at least one side is a state was higher in 2021 than a decade earlier. Since 2021 things have become only bloodier. In Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, a trio of countries where jihadists linked to al-Qaeda and Islamic State run riot, deaths in conflict have risen from under 800 in 2016 to over 10,000 in 2022. It is no coincidence that all three have gone from being largely democratic to suffering coups in the 2020s. Putschists have sought to justify their takeovers and gained support by pointing to insecurity under democracy. As the jihadist chaos spills into coastal states, political chaos could follow. Togo, for example, has a dynastic dictatorship like the one recently toppled in Gabon: the Gnassingbé family has run the country for 56 years. And it faces growing jihadist insecurity—at least 140 people have been killed since July 2022. In Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, jihadists terrorise the north-east, gangs kidnap hundreds at a time in the north-west and armed separatists pillage the south-east. Clashes between farmers and herders in the centre add to the bloodshed. More than 10,000 people died in conflict in the country in both of 2021 and 2022. This year will be almost as bad. acled, a conflict-tracking group, rates Nigeria as having the fifth-most extreme violence globally, behind Ukraine. Nigeria’s political class, lounging in well-guarded mansions, is out of touch. Turnout in this year’s election was 29%, the lowest ever. More than 40% of Nigerians think it would be legitimate for the armed forces to take over in the event of abuses of power by elected leaders. Before the election senior Nigerian political figures told The Economist they had heard of coup-plotting. That is a troubling development, given that the country was run (abysmally) by military dictators for much of the second half of the 20th century. Other large countries are riven with conflict. Though the civil war centred on Ethiopia’s Tigray region may be over, clashes in Amhara and Oromia spiral on. Resurgent violence in the east of Congo has caused almost 3m people to flee from their homes since March 2022. In April 2023 Sudan plunged into civil war. All three countries are among Africa’s ten most populous. In every place people will seek protection where they think they can find it. Insecurity is felt beyond war zones. In a poll of 30 countries around the world released last month by Open Society Foundations, an NGO network, four of the five countries with the highest share of respondents fearing political violence were African: Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal and South Africa. The latter’s murder rate, among the highest in the world, is rising again. Lawlessness increases support for populists and vigilantes. And 72% of South Africans would swap elected governments for a crime-bashing strongman. One former cabinet minister, who campaigned against apartheid, praises Paul Kagame for Rwanda’s apparent lack of crime (but says less about its abuses of human rights). “Kagame has the right idea: sometimes you need to crack the whip.” Economic stagnation compounds the political crisis. From 1990 to 2018 the number of people living in extreme poverty in sub-Saharan Africa rose from 284m to 433m, as population growth often outstripped the economic sort. The region has lost another decade: real gdp per person was lower in 2022 than ten years earlier. Households and governments are also facing a tightening financial squeeze. The median inflation rate in sub-Saharan Africa has more than doubled since the start of the pandemic. In a region where food makes up 40% of consumption, there is double-digit food-price inflation in 80% of countries. Some 17% of government revenues will be spent on servicing external debt this year, the highest share since 1999. “Job creation” is by far the most-cited priority by 18- to 35-year-olds in Afrobarometer polls. The Mo Ibrahim Foundation, a British NGO, reckons that 18m formal jobs must be created annually to absorb the numbers entering the labour force; the current figure is 3m. Almost half of 18- to 24-year-olds in 15 countries surveyed last year by the Africa Youth Survey, a poll by a South African charity, said they were thinking of emigrating. Young Nigerians talk of “adulthood na scam” and hunt ways to japa, Yoruba slang for to emigrate. Earlier this year Hakainde Hichilema, whom the West sees as a rare liberal on the continent, warned his outside champions that African democrats need to secure material results or they will face political consequences. “[Y]ou can’t eat democracy,” argued Zambia’s president in an opinion piece urging foreign creditors to speed up debt restructuring. “Human rights may sustain the spirit, but not the body.” The desperation to meet basic needs partly explains why Africans may be relatively willing to consider strongmen. The Open Society poll asked whether authoritarians would produce better results in ten policy areas, such as creating jobs and fighting crime. In eight cases the sub-Saharan African average was higher than the global one. “Invariably, juntas that promise better material conditions will show up and win enough people’s hearts and minds,” notes Ken Opalo of Georgetown University in America. Nevertheless, Africans’ faith in what passes for democracy is plummeting not just because of the insecurity and poverty their governments deliver, but also because of the nature of politics itself. In the 1990s and 2000s most African countries ditched one-party systems and embraced multi-party elections. The pageantry of elections, however, obscures the fact that much of Africa has only the patina of democracy. EIU our sister outfit, classifies just one African country (Mauritius) as a “full democracy” and six as “flawed”. Between 1990 and 2019 sitting presidents won 88% of the 112 elections they ran in. Nine leaders have kept power for more than 20 years. These include Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni; Cameroon’s Paul Biya, who spends much of the year in a Swiss hotel; Equatorial Guinea’s Teodoro Obiang, the longest-serving president of any country; and Mr Kagame. All fear fair elections; all may be grooming a son for office. Even relative newbies abuse the law, entrenching frustration. In August Zimbabwe’s main opposition party did not contest yet another dubious election because it sees the courts as biased. A month earlier the Central African Republic’s president won a referendum he rammed through the courts that will end term limits. In 2020 Alassane Ouattara, president of Ivory Coast, won a third term after controversially tweaking the constitution so he could get around the two-term limit. Senegal’s Macky Sall this year opted against a similar move after violent protests. But any goodwill earned was undermined by the arrest of hundreds of opposition-party members, including a presidential candidate. On average in Afrobarometer polls only 13% believe that no one in their country’s presidency is corrupt. Transparency International (TI), a watchdog, finds that sub-Saharan African countries are on average seen as less clean than El Salvador, where graft is so endemic that a millennial authoritarian has promised to build a huge jail specially for white-collar criminals. On average, perceptions of corruption in sub-Saharan Africa were slightly worse in 2022 than they were a decade earlier, reckons TI. The Open Society poll found that corruption was the gravest national issue for voters in Ghana and Nigeria. Voters also fret about it in South Africa, where “state capture” became ubiquitous under Jacob Zuma, president from 2009 to 2018. The looting of state institutions remains a problem in South Africa today—and in many other countries. “The capture of democratic political systems by private power networks is arguably the greatest threat to civil liberties and inclusive development in Africa,” argues Nic Cheeseman of the University of Birmingham in Britain. Putschists exploit anger at graft—and it works, at least initially. In a poll before the first coup in Mali, 58% of people thought most or all the people in the presidency were corrupt. Two years and a second coup later, just 25% did. In Guinea the share before the coup was almost 50%. After it the share fell to 28%. Why doesn’t dissatisfaction with sham democracy spur Africans to try to obtain a better version of it? There are several reasons. For a start it is fiendishly difficult to oppose dictatorships. The bad guys usually have the guns. Ruling parties also often co-opt NGOs and youth groups. Many activists have tried to improve democracy and to vote out authoritarians. Yet after decades of failing, some may be concluding that only more radical methods, even coups, can end stagnation and state capture. Guinea’s main opposition leader, for example, told The Economist of his “relief” immediately after the coup that ousted Alpha Condé, then president, in 2021. Second, there is reason to believe that support for liberal democracy is softer than its champions would wish. In Mali, for example, support for the idea of military rule had been flat for years at just under 30% before the first coup. Now almost 80% of Malians say they approve or strongly approve of rule by military men. Although outsiders may point out that liberal democracy has never really been tried in Africa, that is not always the view of Africans. Last month Olusegun Obasanjo, a former Nigerian president, said: “We have seen that the liberal type of democracy as practised in the West will not work for us.” Mr Kagame has argued similarly. (“The West does not define democracy in Africa.”) In the Africa Youth Survey just 39% of respondents said that Africans should emulate “Western democracy”; 53% said Africa needed to find its own version. Indeed, too much is often expected of young Africans. Many of them are apathetic when confronted with the façade of democracy. They are more than twice as likely to say they did not vote in the last election as the over-56s. In Nigeria’s election this year young voters helped Peter Obi to the best-ever result for a third-party candidate but he still came only third. In South Africa’s last general election only 30% of eligible 20-somethings voted—from apartheid to apathy in a single generation. Support for military rule if elected leaders abuse power is highest among the young. On average 56% of 18- to 35-year-olds would contemplate it, versus 46% of those aged 56 and older. It is young men who rally in support after coups, complicating potential efforts by African countries or the West to reverse takeovers. Not that outsiders’ commitment to African democracy is especially strong—the third reason for its feebleness. The continental organisation, the African Union, is weak and ultimately the creature of its mostly authoritarian members. Regional hegemons such as South Africa carry less weight: economic stagnation means it has less hard power, while endorsing rigged elections in Zimbabwe and elsewhere means it has less soft power. Meanwhile, China skews aid towards corrupt autocratic regimes, as the Chinese Communist Party preaches its model to Africa’s ruling parties. Russia, whether through the notorious Wagner Group or via arms sales, props up juntas and authoritarians. Newer players such as Turkey and Gulf countries will not promote democratic norms. The West offers half-hearted help and hypocrisy. It sometimes speaks out when elections look sketchy, as was the case this year in Zimbabwe and Sierra Leone. But America decided to whitewash dodgy results in mineral-rich Congo in 2018. Britain is unlikely to criticise Mr Kagame given that it wants to fly asylum-seekers to Rwanda. France rails against coups in countries where it stands to lose influence, such as Niger, but says little when the putschists are in tune with Paris, as was the case with Chad’s coup in 2021. Françafrique—the term given to how France has maintained influence in former colonies by propping up autocratic elites—is coming back to bite Paris. In Mali a survey in 2021 found that more than a fifth of Malians believed that France’s armed forces in the country were in league with jihadists or separatists. In Burkina Faso the new president, 35-year-old Captain Ibrahim Traoré, says that he is restoring sovereignty. It is the free choice of his junta, like Mali’s, to ask Russia for help. After Niger’s coup, the junta quickly scapegoated France, which had troops fighting jihadists in the country. Crowds waved Russian flags and decapitated a rooster painted in French colours. In Senegal, protesters against Mr Sall’s flirtation with a third term burned down French-owned supermarkets and petrol stations. Half of Ivorians say that France is the country they trust least, according to Premise Data, a pollster. So long as Africans see—and experience—“democracy” as a charade played by corrupt elites with the help of foreigners, then many will consider other options. What those look like will vary depending on the context. In South Africa frustration at meagre progress since apartheid is opening up space for Julius Malema, a hard-left black nationalist, and for ethnic-based parties. In Nigeria the efforts of Nnamdi Kanu, a separatist, to resuscitate the dream of an independent Biafra rely on charisma, populism, disregard for the truth and violence. Elsewhere populist military men may prove appealing, at least temporarily. In Burkina Faso Captain Traoré chooses deliberately to mimic Thomas Sankara, a revered former socialist leader often referred to as Africa’s Che Guevara. He came to power in a coup in 1983 aged 33 before being gunned down four years later. France has been a butt of both men. There is a well-intentioned desire to see Africans, especially younger ones, as a latent progressive force. But it is also patronising to deny, given the present circumstances amid what passes for democracy on the continent, that many Africans will be tempted by authoritarians. They are no more immune to populism than Americans are to Donald Trump, or Turks are to Recep Tayyip Erdogan. They will gravitate to those who seem to meet their needs—or at least offer a change from those who manifestly do not. © 2023 The Economist Newspaper Limited. All rights reserved.

Här hyllar Stallone Trump: "En andra George Washington"

Här hyllar Stallone Trump: "En andra George Washington"

America First Policy Institute-galan arrangerades vid Donald Trumps resort i Palm Beach i Florida på torsdagskvällen. Under galan medverkade Sylvester Stallone, som på duken bland annat porträtterat actionhjälten Rocky Balboa. Stallone var inte sen med att hylla den tillträdande presidenten, rapporterar The Wrap. – Vi befinner oss i närvaron av en riktigt mytisk karaktär, inleder Stallone sin presentation av Donald Trump och tillägger: – Jag älskar verkligen mytologi. Ingen i världen hade kunnat åstadkomma det han åstadkom. Den personen finns inte på den här planeten. Jag är verkligen imponerad, säger Stallone från scenen och möts av jubel. Hyllningskavalkad Dessförinnan hade han förklarat att hans egen filmpersona Rocky var en "utvald person" som kunde "förändra liv – precis som president Trump". Men hyllningarna tog inte slut där. Innan Stallone klev av scenen hann han dessutom jämföra Donald Trump med en av USAs ”founding fathers”, tillika landets första president George Washington. – Och jag vill bara säga detta, och jag menar det. När George Washington försvarade sitt land hade han ingen aning om att han skulle förändra världen, för utan honom kan ni föreställa er hur världen skulle se ut. Gissa vad? Vi har fått en andra George Washington. Grattis. När Trump sedermera äntrade scenen förenades de båda i en kram.

Sverige satsar fem miljarder på luftvärnsrobotar

Sverige satsar fem miljarder på luftvärnsrobotar

Tillsammans med flera andra europeiska länder satsar man 60 miljarder, från svenskt håll över fem miljarder. – Det är en erfarenhet från kriget i Ukraina, att det går åt mycket patriot-robotar då Ryssland har både ballistiska robotar, stridsflyg och kryssningsrobotar, säger Jonson och tillägger: – Det andra som är nytt är att produktionen kommer att ske i Europa, det är bra att det finns fler ställen där de här robotarna produceras. Försvarsministern menar att beskedet kommer att skapa en starkare europeisk försvarsindustriell bas. Kan pressa priserna tillsammans Patriotsystemet är ett amerikanskt luftvärnssystemet inom den svenska försvarsmakten benämns det som Luftvärnssystem 103. Sverige använder sig av två olika robotar, en för att skjuta ner olika typer av fientliga flygplan och en som används mot ballistiska missiler och kryssningsrobotar. – Vi går ihop med andra länder, då kan vi pressa ner priserna och se till att vi får fler robotar, säger Jonson. Att robotarna kommer tillverkas i Europa är en positiv aspekt enligt Jonson, då det råder en brist inom den europeiska försvarsindustrin på produktionsförmåga. Jonson: Inte hållbart med så ensidigt stöd Donald Trumps seger i det amerikanska presidentvalet har lett till många frågor kopplat till kriget i Ukraina. Trump har tidigare lovat att lösa konflikten på 24 timmar och i amerikanska medier kommer uppgifter om att Trump vill dra tillbaka stödet helt till Ukraina.

– Det vi tar med oss är den grundläggande ekvationen att det i längden inte är hållbart att en allierad står för två tredjedelar av försvarsinvesteringarna inom det euroatlantiska området.

Samtidigt menar Jonson att man ser en förändring bland Nato-länderna, där allt fler satsar mer på försvaret. Natomedlemmar förväntas satsa minst 2 procent av landets BNP på försvaret. Idag lägger Sverige 2,2 procent på försvaret, en siffra som förväntas ligga på 2,4 procent nästa år.

– Vi förväntar oss också att de andra allierade agerar på ett liknande sätt, säger Jonson.

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Donald Trump ‘acted like a man’, says Putin

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Full speech: Donald Trump declares victory in 2024 presidential election

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What to expect from President Trump 2.0

Despite being banned from the ballot paper in two states (so far) and multiple legal hurdles, Donald Trump is the clear favourite to return as the Republican candidate for US president, and opinion polls also give him the edge in a rematch with Joe Biden. Trump has joked about becoming a "dictator" for a day if he wins, and says he would carry out mass deportations – and that’s just the beginning of his plans for a second term.This podcast was brought to you thanks to the support of readers of The Times and The Sunday Times. Subscribe today: thetimes.co.uk/storiesofourtimes. Guest: David Charter, US Editor, The Times.Host: Manveen Rana.Clips: Sky News, ABC News, New York Post, CBS News, Trump 2024, The Economic Times, Fox News, The 700 Club, CNN, US Network Pool, Forbes, The Benny Show. Read more: Will Donald Trump still run in 2024? The Colorado decision explainedIf Donald Trump becomes US president again, here’s what he’ll doEmail us: storiesofourtimes@thetimes.co.ukFind out more about our bonus series for Times subscribers: 'Inside the newsroom' Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Donald Trump: Dictator in Chief?

The shadow looming over the fourth Republican debate was the party’s most recent president, Donald Trump. But while the other candidates traded blows at one another, Trump was conspicuously absent, instead taking part in a town hall event on Tuesday evening. He raised eyebrows when saying he would only be a dictator on ‘day one’ if elected president. The Americast team chew over Trump’s comments – and the Republican debate – before speaking to GOP candidate Asa Hutchinson, the former governor of Arkansas who’s still in the race for the White House.And, a clip of American university leaders has gone viral after they failed to say explicitly to Congress that calling for the genocide of Jewish people violated their schools code of conduct. The team assesses how we’ve reached this point. HOSTS: • Justin Webb, Radio 4 presenter • Marianna Spring, disinformation and social media correspondent • Anthony Zurcher, North America correspondent GUEST: • Asa Hutchinson, Republican presidential candidate GET IN TOUCH: • Join our online community: https://discord.gg/qSrxqNcmRB • Send us a message or voice note via WhatsApp to +44 330 123 9480 • Email Americast@bbc.co.uk • Or use #Americast Find out more about our award-winning “undercover voters” here: bbc.in/3lFddSF. This episode was made by George Dabby with Alix Pickles, Catherine Fusillo, Claire Betzer and Maia Davies. The technical producer was Mike Regaard. The series producer is George Dabby. The senior news editor is Sam Bonham.

You've Got Mailbag

At the end of every episode of Prosecuting Donald Trump, we ask you to submit your questions and today, we finally have a chance to answer some of them. As we’re all reflecting on the year ahead, Andrew Weissmann and Mary McCord answer your questions about 2023’s legal landscape and what’s to come in 2024. 

Will the courts Trump the Donald?

Today, we look at Donald Trump’s disqualification from the Colorado ballot.The state’s Supreme Court has ruled him ineligible because of his actions in the run up to the US Capital riot in 2021. Americast’s Sarah Smith and Justin Webb join to discuss whether this could be the beginning of the end for his 2024 bid.And the departing First Minister of Wales, Mark Drakeford, is in the studio to talk about his political legacy, as well as really liking cheese. You can join our Newscast online community here: https://tinyurl.com/newscastcommunityhere Newscast brings you daily analysis of the latest political news stories from the BBC. It was presented by Adam Fleming. It was made by Chris Flynn with Gemma Roper, Sam McLaren and Joe Wilkinson. The technical producer was Matt Dean. The senior news editors are Jonathan Aspinwall and Sam Bonham.

Disqualified in Colorado

For the first time in history, the 14th Amendment has been used to disqualify a presidential candidate from running for office. In this special breaking news episode, MSNBC legal analysts Andrew Weissmann and Mary McCord react to the Colorado Supreme Court’s decision to disqualify former president Donald Trump from the state’s 2024 presidential ballot under the Constitution's insurrection clause. Andrew and Mary discuss what the court’s decision means and the potential fallout. Note: Trump’s legal team intends to appeal the decision. 

BONUS: The Full Presidential Immunity Hearing

Former President Donald Trump appeared in federal court Tuesday morning as his lawyers argued that he is immune from prosecution on charges to overturn the 2020 election. Listen to the full hearing here. 

Is America about to give Donald Trump a second chance? Dispatch from the Deep South

Emily reports from Georgia, the eye of the Donald Trump legal storm, where he was caught on tape trying to get an election official to 'find' him more votes to win the 2020 election. A year out from 2024, is this purple state closer to staying blue or turning MAGA red? The latter could tip the election in Trump's favour. And we cross state lines to the hometown of the woman who could capitalise should a jail cell call for the Donald. Nikki Haley. Could she prove to be the Republican nominee come election day?And...Jon is in Paris, France- and he's nabbed the Mayor of Detroit - Mike Duggan. Don't ask how. He talks to the man in charge of a crucial blue city in a crucial swing state. Editor & Field Producer: Gabriel RadusVideo Producer: Rory SymonYou can listen to this episode on Alexa - just say "Alexa, ask Global Player to play The News Agents USA".

DC Drama

Former president Donald Trump renewed his efforts to delay the DC election subversion case by asking for a halt in all proceedings while his appeal on presidential immunity moves through the courts. Meanwhile, Special Counsel Jack Smith is pushing to keep the trial on schedule by bringing the issue before the Supreme Court. MSNBC legal analysts Andrew Weissmann and Mary McCord break down Smith’s strategy and what this could mean for the former president’s other criminal cases. Plus, they discuss news out of Wisconsin where ten fake Donald Trump electors settled a civil lawsuit admitting their actions were part of an effort to overturn the 2020 election.

Immunity Denied

In what could be his most consequential legal defeat yet, a federal judge rejects Donald Trump’s claims of presidential immunity in his 2020 election case. MSNBC legal analysts Andrew Weissmann and Mary McCord break down what this – and a similar ruling in a parallel civil case --could mean for the ex-president. Plus, they'll talk GA where Trump’s lawyers say he shouldn’t be tried until 2029 if he wins next year’s election.

Bunker USA: The 5 key Donald Trump dramas you need to focus on

Donald Trump is never out of trouble. And it’s hard to keep up with his latest wrongdoing. Jacob Jarvis is joined by Andrew Rudalevige, Thomas Brackett Reed Professor of Government at Bowdoin College and a visiting professor at LSE, to go over the five key areas of drama you need to understand in the run up to 2024. • “If Trump were convicted of all 90 of his current felonies, he'd’ be looking at something like 700 years in prison.” • “Any private citizen not named Donald J. Trump would inevitably get convicted for espionage and obstruction of justice in the classified documents case” www.patreon.com/bunkercast  Written and presented by Jacob Jarvis. Producer: Eliza Davis Beard. Audio production: Simon Williams. Managing Editor: Jacob Jarvis. Music by Kenny Dickinson. THE BUNKER is a Podmasters Production. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Trump's Thanksgiving Threats

Donald Trump’s Thanksgiving threats take center stage as judges in NY and DC decide whether to reinstate his two gag orders. Plus, we’ll dig deeper into Trump’s charade of victimhood as he tries to get his federal election case in DC dismissed. All this, as Andrew and Mary celebrate 50 episodes of the pod!

Foreseeable Consequences

Donald Trump’s team and the U.S. government squared off in a DC appeals court over his latest attempt to undo a gag order issued against him in his federal election subversion case. MSNBC legal analysts Andrew Weissmann and Mary McCord break down Trump’s claims and which way they think the three-judge panel is leaning. Plus, a judgein Colorado denies a motion to keep Trump off the ballot there in 2024 – but why some say the ruling is still a bad one for the former president.

Trump's Tumultuous Testimony

Donald Trump took the witness stand Monday in the biggest moment of his civil and criminal trials thus far. MSNBC legal analysts Andrew Weissmann and Mary McCord dig into some of his big admissions and how badly he may have hurt himself. Plus, we’ll get into the former president’s latest efforts to delay his federal trials and the new criticism facing Judge Aileen Cannon in the FL documents case.