Nagorno-Karabach

Azerbajdzjan ligger sedan slutet av 80-talet i en aktiv konflikt med Armenien om regionen Nagorno-Karabach. Som "vanlig turist" behöver man dock inte vara orolig för att vistas i landets huvudstad, förklarar Rasmus Canbäck. Skulle man däremot planera att genomföra en politisk manifestation om situationen i Nagorno-Karabach, skulle läget kunna bli mer prekärt.

– Det skulle kunna vara farligt. Det är ju en jättekänslig fråga och personer som har en avvikande åsikt från den statliga riskerar ju förföljelse och fängelse i Azerbajdzjan. Så det skulle kunna väcka starka känslor helt enkelt, säger Rasmus Canbäck och tillägger:

– Att gå in på en arena i Azerbajdzjan med en banderoll som skulle säga att vi fördömer er för hur ni agerar i Nagorno-Karabach kan väcka väldigt starka reaktioner från såväl publik som diktaturens företrädare. Tillgrep regnbågsflagga under EM 2021 I Azerbajdzjan har olika idrottsevenemang vid flertalet tillfällen använts för att tvätta diktaturens nedsolkade rykte. Utöver årliga Formel 1-arrangemang så spelades det under EM 2021, fyra matcher i Baku, med ”sportwashing” som syfte. I samband med en av matcherna tillgreps en dansk regnbågsflagga. – Det tydligaste exemplet vi har är när en dansk supporter i EM 2021 visade upp en regnbågsflagga vid en fotbollsmatch. Den rycktes direkt ner av vakter på arenan. Men en HBTQ-flagga är ingenting mot ett budskap som motsätter sig Azerbajdzjans agerande i Nagorno-Karabach, menar Rasmus. Europas mest repressiva diktatur 2023 genomförde Azerbajdzjan en blixtoffensiv i regionen och fördrev cirka 100 000 etniska armenier från sina hem. Landet klassas av olika humanitära organisationer som en diktatur. – Enligt Freedom House är det Europas mest repressiva diktatur. Den är tuffare än både Ryssland, Belarus och Iran. Det är ett land där oliktänkande förföljs och det eskalerar den här situationen. Det är en väldigt tuff situation i landet.

Mot bakgrund av det, borde Qarabaq överhuvudtaget tillåtas att vara med i en UEFA-turnering?

– Azerbajdzjan har diplomatiska relationer med västvärlden. Det har inte Belarus och Ryssland. Utifrån det perspektivet tror jag att UEFA anser att deras lag får spela fotboll i Europa och delta i turneringarna, svarar Rasmus Canbäck.

– Det som blir klurigt är att Azerbajdzjan så tydligt genom fotbollen exporterar vad man får säga och inte får säga på läktarna. Det ser vi exempel på nu. Man har krävt att Malmö-supportrar måste redovisa sina banderoller innan de går in på arenan, tillägger han. ”Som vilken stad som helst” Malmö-supportern Tobias Karlsson befinner sig på väg till arenan i en buss abonnerad av MFF. Han förklarar att det tar tid att ta sig dit och att det råder trafikkaos. – Vi kom i tisdags kväll och åker hem imorgon förmiddag, berättar han. Hittills har han hunnit ägna sig åt sightseeing, ätit mat och hängt ute på stan. – Det känns som en väldigt europeisk stad trots att det är så långt borta. Det jublas i bakgrunden och Tobias förklarar att bussen precis passerat spelarnas hotell. – Vi är främst här för att stötta MFF och har inga planer på att försöka lösa politiken i Europa. Det är klart att man skulle kunna ha en skylt där det står "presidenten dödar armenier med ena handen och torkar sig i röven med andra", men det vill vi inte. Hittills har supportrarna bara mötts av glada hejarop när de berättat att de kommer från Malmö och Sverige. Vid en möjlig Malmö-seger öppnar han dock för en möjlig scenförändring. – Vi får se om det blir hur vi vinner, då kanske vi inte kan gå på gatorna. Matchen sparkas igång 18.45 (20.45 lokal tid) på Tofiq Bahramov-stadion i Baku.

Armenien och Azerbajdzjans nya fredstrevare är ett viktigt steg, anser USA. Ett genombrott, låter det från EU. Ett krigshot har hängt i luften efter blixtoffensiven mot Nagorno-Karabach tidigare i höst.

Gaza, Ukraina, Nagorno-Karabach och Sudan, för att nämna några konflikthärdar. Om det känns som att världen står i brand, plågad av krig och lidande, så finns det fog för den känslan. Antalet krig, deras intensitet och längd är på den högsta nivån sedan innan slutet av kalla kriget, enligt data från Uppsala Conflict Data Program. Trots det så finns det hopp om en ljusare framtid, enligt en text i Foreign Affairs. Enskilda länder, snarare än multilaterala organisationer som FN måste ta ett större ansvar för att stoppa konflikter. Och fler aktörer, till exempel hjälporganisationer, måste involveras mer för att hitta lösningarna. What Is Behind the Global Explosion of Violent Conflict? By Emma Beals and Peter Salisbury October 25, 2023 Violent conflict is increasing in multiple parts of the world. In addition to Hamas’s October 7 attack on Israel, and the Israeli offensive on Gaza, raising the specter of a wider war in the Middle East, there has been a surge in violence across Syria, including a wave of armed drone attacks that threatened U.S. troops stationed there. In the Caucasus in late September, Azerbaijan seized the disputed enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh—forcing an estimated 150,000 ethnic Armenians to flee their historical home in the territory and setting the stage for renewed fighting with Armenia. Meanwhile, in Africa, the civil war in Sudan rages on, conflict has returned to Ethiopia, and a military takeover of Niger in July was the sixth coup across the Sahel and West Africa since 2020. In fact, according to an analysis of data gathered by the Uppsala Conflict Data Program, conducted by the Peace Research Institute Oslo, the number, intensity, and length of conflicts worldwide is at its highest level since before the end of the Cold War. The study found that there were 55 active conflicts in 2022, with the average one lasting about eight to 11 years, a substantial increase from the 33 active conflicts lasting an average of seven years a decade earlier. Notwithstanding the increase in conflicts, it has been more than a decade since an internationally mediated comprehensive peace deal has been brokered to end a war. UN-led or UN-assisted political processes in Libya, Sudan, and Yemen have stalled or collapsed. Seemingly frozen conflicts—in countries including Ethiopia, Israel, and Myanmar—are thawing at an alarming pace. With the Russian invasion of Ukraine, high-intensity conflict has even returned to Europe, which had previously enjoyed several decades of relative peace and stability. Alongside the proliferation of war has come record levels of human upheaval. In 2022, a quarter of the world’s population—two billion people—lived in conflict-affected areas. The number of people forcibly displaced worldwide reached a record 108 million by the start of 2023. Until now, the international response from European Union member states, the United Kingdom, and the United States, all of whom invested heavily in peace building in the wake of the Cold War, has been to shift the goal posts of “peace” from conflict resolution to conflict management. But events in the Middle East and elsewhere are a reminder that conflict can be managed for only so long. As fighting flares worldwide and the root causes of conflict remain unresolved, traditional peace building and development tools look increasingly ineffective. The result is that aid bills grow, refugees are displaced, and fractured societies continue to suffer. A new approach to resolving and managing conflicts and their impact is urgently needed. Having fallen between 1990 and 2007, the total number of conflicts worldwide began to rise in 2010, the Uppsala Conflict Data Program found. The number of civil and interstate wars, and the fatalities they cause, are now at their highest levels since the mid-1980s, and the UN declared in January that the number of violent conflicts worldwide is at its highest level since the end of World War II. Wars that are halted are increasingly likely to reignite within a year, as happens about five times a year on average. Wars are becoming more common, and difficult to end, for a number of reasons. One is the changing nature of conflict. Twenty-first-century wars tend to be fought between states and armed groups committed to different causes with access to relatively advanced weaponry and other forms of technology, as well as money earned from natural resources and criminal activity. Complex, multiparty conflict became the norm after the Soviet Union collapsed, which removed the binary organizing principle of West-Soviet competition that shaped many earlier wars. More recently, conflicts have also become increasingly internationalized. Countries including Russia, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, and the United States regularly become drawn, whether indirectly or directly, into foreign wars, as has been seen repeatedly in conflicts in the Middle East and Africa. The more local and international parties that are involved in a conflict, the harder it is to end it. The UN, once the go-to conflict mediator, has been sidelined. The UN’s loss of influence has been driven by geopolitical competition, which has divided powerful states. The UN Security Council is particularly affected by these forces. It has seized up, plagued by growing international rivalries between the United States, Russia, and China and by an increasingly transactional approach to international politics. Deadlock at the Security Council means that the UN can offer neither solutions nor censure for war crimes or aggression. Security Council–mandated peacekeeping and transition teams are becoming rarer and are often short-lived, and UN envoys, peacekeepers, and other officials increasingly lack leverage and credibility with conflicting parties. This June, for example, Mali sought the withdrawal of a decadelong UN peacekeeping presence because of tensions between the government and the mission, including a disagreement over their role and mandate. Sudan’s rival warlords reportedly refused to even speak to their country’s UN Special Envoy Volker Perthes, before he resigned in September. The UN peacekeeping chief, Jean-Pierre Lacroix, has stated that divisions within the Security Council mean UN missions are no longer able to achieve “the ultimate goal of peacekeeping”—devising durable political solutions—and must instead settle for “intermediate goals” such as “preserving cease-fires.” Increasingly overwhelmed by a series of global crises and new policy priorities, including Russian aggression in Europe and an assertive China, many high-level policymakers in the United States and Europe see limited value in intervening militarily or investing significant political capital in far-flung conflicts that they regard as of little strategic consequence. Attention has instead shifted to dealing with the consequences of conflicts—waves of refugees and cross-border smuggling of drugs and weapons, in particular—rather than their causes. Faced with this array of challenges, the perception of what is possible among UN officials and Western countries who once threw their weight behind peacemaking—principally EU member-states led by France and Germany, as well as the United Kingdom and the United States—is changing. A former UN official who worked for decades on international peace processes has noted that the numerous barriers to mediation make it “almost impossible” to end modern conflicts. In practice, UN intervention today often serves to de-escalate conflicts or, in a best-case scenario, initiate a fragile political process that few expect to work. In private, many veteran mediators and policy officials have argued that the ambitions of many international mediation efforts are tacitly limited to bilateral dealmaking designed to achieve short-term détente or limited goals, such as the 2022 agreement that allowed Ukrainian grain to pass through the Black Sea. Marginalized during negotiations, and lacking broad peace agreements and political transitions in which they can play a significant role, UN mediators have lost much of their raison d’être. Most other peace-building tools—including inclusive political dialogue, accountability, transitional justice, and security sector reform—cannot succeed without political processes to anchor them. Elsewhere, the aspirations of many Western diplomats have quietly shifted to pursuing or supporting containment or de-escalation, avoiding the search for peaceful and sustainable resolution to conflicts. Efforts by the United States to describe the Abraham Accords—which sought to normalize Arab relations with Israel—as “a peace process” highlight this change. The accords in practice fail to address the drivers of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as has become disastrously clear in the Israel-Hamas war. International aspirations for long-term solutions are particularly low in the Middle East and North Africa. The current phase of Yemen’s civil war has slowed to a near-halt following negotiations between the Houthi rebels—who sparked the conflict by seizing the capital in 2014—and Saudi Arabia, which intervened to oust them in 2015. But the UN and the Houthis’ domestic rivals have been excluded from negotiations, and the chances of a meaningful political settlement appear low. Many Yemenis, including the veteran researcher Nadwa al-Dawsari, expect either a return to fighting sooner or later, or the continuation of a limbo state of “no war, no peace” if the Houthi-Saudi channel remains the main negotiation track. Syria’s so-called frozen conflict is also seeing an alarming but predictable uptick in violence and instability because of the lack of progress of negotiations. On one track, negotiations between the Arab Liaison Committee, which is composed of Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Egypt and the Arab League, and the Syrian government have stalled. At the same time, the UN-led peace process in Syria is detached from the conflict’s drivers. It is pursuing limited objectives, including a new constitution to be drafted by a committee that has not met in 18 months, and a yet-to-begin process, led by the UN, that seeks to build mutual confidence between Syria and the Arab Liaison Committee, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States. This process is largely divorced from current political and military developments, including a recent spike in violence across the country. Until recently, some international officials appeared to think an end to fighting was a good-enough goal. In late September, U.S. National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan, touting the Biden administration’s foreign policy bona fides, claimed that the Middle East was “quieter today than it has been in two decades.” But Hamas’s brutal attacks in Israel a week after his comments and Israel’s ongoing military response in Gaza, as well as surging violence across Syria, show the limits of containment. Containment does not resolve conflicts and requires active management. This means proactive efforts to address grievances, quell violence, advance negotiations, and take action to deal with increasing instability or unexpected events. Whereas reducing violence is a sensible initial goal, once conflicts have been de-escalated, attention all too often shifts elsewhere. It is easy, then, to miss warning signs that fighting is about to restart. This is a particular problem when armed actors or regimes remain in control after failed peace processes or during political transitions. Without accountability for their past misdeeds, such groups feel free to repeat violence. For this reason, Sudan’s generals appear to have believed that they would not be held to account by the UN, their international backers (particularly Saudi Arabia and the UAE), or the states engaged in supporting the transition process (including Norway, the United Kingdom, and the United States) when they began to fight each other in April. Sudanese activists and diplomats based in the capital rightly pointed out that they had repeatedly warned that the men who have governed the country since the 2019 military coup were gearing up for war with one another. But these warnings were either dismissed or watered down in Western capitals, including Washington, in part because no conflict had yet broken out and because officials did not see Sudan as a priority. Both regional actors and Western diplomats and analysts have long argued that the status quo in Gaza and the West Bank is unsustainable. But international attention has been focused elsewhere. Regional normalization efforts led by the Trump administration built ties between Israel and former Arab adversaries including Bahrain and the UAE. The Abraham Accords have been sustained by the Biden administration, which has energetically pursued an Israeli-Saudi deal. But these efforts have completely failed to address the drivers of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Despite this, even as the war between Israel and Hamas escalated, U.S. officials, including Secretary of State Antony Blinken, declared that Washington still hoped to continue Israeli-Saudi normalization negotiations. All too often, humanitarian aid has become a panacea for managing unresolved conflict. Take Syria, where, 12 years after the war began, the UN aid funding requests for 2023 included $4.81 billion for programs inside the country and $5.7 billion to support refugees. Similar sums are being expended in Sudan and Myanmar, both of which are suffering conflicts and have vacant UN political envoy roles and no discernible peace process. Violence grinds on unabated, and civilians subsist on meager aid provision—in areas where they can be reached. As the number of conflicts rises, the price tag for aid keeps growing. Donors cannot keep up with the growing cost of war. Funding for aid appeals increased by an average of ten percent year on year between 2012 and 2018 but then tapered off. Yet UN appeals for funds have continued to grow, quadrupling in number between 2013 and today. Of the 406 million people in need of humanitarian assistance in 2022, 87 percent lived in a country in the midst of high-intensity conflict, and 83 percent in a protracted crisis. Aid, in these circumstances, cannot be the only answer. Refugee return requires a fundamental shift in local dynamics that allows those fleeing violence and persecution to safely return home, access their properties, and reintegrate into society without discrimination. At the same time, postconflict justice and development require management by suitable governments that are willing to address the violations committed during the conflict and provide adequate governance free of discrimination to facilitate a productive economic environment in which corruption and illicit activity are combated. Locally led peace building that heals the social fractures caused by conflict requires civic space to conduct dialogue, address grievances, and secure inclusive decision-making and governance. The world is at an inflection point, and it is still possible to galvanize support for a new approach to resolving conflict. To achieve this, creative and courageous leadership is needed from a broad coalition of politicians, business leaders, the UN, peace builders, and local communities—aligned with a renewed ambition to make peace. Without aspiring to, and placing a value on, sustainable peace, it is all too easy to accept least bad outcomes and to forget the enormous human and resource toll of doing so. First and foremost, any effort at renewing peacemaking for the twenty-first century needs political will from powerful states, principally the United States and the other permanent members of the UN Security Council. This point was explicitly made by UN Secretary-General António Guterres in his recently published policy brief, “A New Agenda for Peace,” a vision that places the responsibility for securing the peace and upholding international norms in the hands of individual countries rather than the multilateral system. If governments that say they believe in a rules-based order—including those in Brussels, London, and Washington—are willing to uphold international laws and norms, then there may be some hope for the future. But if they are not, then the current race to the bottom is certain to continue. More accurate language referring to “peace” may help these governments reengage with the struggle for it. Describing negotiations over a cease-fire as a “peace process,” as if peace were just around the corner rather than years or decades away, all too often leads to early claims that it has been achieved just because the guns have temporarily fallen silent. This misconception leads to disengagement. New, more accurate framing that differentiates between stages of conflict management, conflict resolution, and peace building, as well as a more honest account of the prospects for progress into the next stage, would lead to a more honest account of what is possible and practical—or morally acceptable. In particular, this new approach to language would help to establish realistic expectations of what can be achieved in the short, medium, and long terms. It would also prevent the all too familiar rush to declare success that scuppers the continuation of many peace processes. Most important, a new approach to mediation is needed. Formal peace-building processes and practices were expanded and professionalized during the post–Cold War period, and they presume or require dynamics—including geopolitical cooperation and successful peace settlements and political transitions—that no longer exist. Today’s world is defined by geopolitical competition and requires something very different. In responding to these challenges, mediators must become more creative and collaborative. They must become advocates for their own cause, making the public case for peace, and they must secure diplomatic support and engage with a wide variety of groups, including civil society. In particular, mediators must work closely with, and empower, local peace builders, absorbing local knowledge and involving key players in peace processes, which must no longer seek to perpetuate status quo power dynamics. Mediators must also work closely with—and at times provide support to—regional blocs, play a greater role in supporting bilateral negotiations, and empower conflicting parties to create sustainable peace once the guns have been silenced. Meanwhile, those seeking to make peace will need to engage nontraditional actors—middle powers, humanitarian organizations, and actors from the private sector. These partnerships should harness the potential of the environmental, social, and corporate governance agenda to carve out a role for the private sector in supporting peace, forge new models of geopolitical cooperation, and use aid to support peace rather than serve as a substitute for it. These are big asks. But they are also the basic requirements for building sustainable peace, stopping the proliferation of conflict, and aiming for more than the temporary quelling of violence. © 2023 Council on Foreign Relations, publisher of Foreign Affairs. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency. Read the original article at Foreign Affairs.

Azerbajdzjans flagga har ceremoniellt hissats i Nagorno-Karabachs inofficiella huvudstad Stepanakert. Det rapporterar TT. Azerbajdzjans president Ihlam Aliyev, som talade vid ceremonin, menar att området alltid har varit en del av Azberjadzjan och nu har återbördats. Det trots att hela omvärlden ställt sig på Armeniens sida. – I dag kan varje besökare till de befriande områdena se de Armeniska barbariet med sina egna ögon. Det finns inte en enda sund byggnad kvar här, säger Aliyev enligt azerbajdzjanska statsmedier. Armenien har å sin sida anklagat Azerbajdzjan för att genomföra en etnisk rensning av Nagorno-Karabach. Efter Azerbajdzjans offensiv och ockupation av området i mitten av september har så gott som hela den armeniska befolkningen i området – så många som 120 00 människor – tvingats fly.

▸ Azerbajdzjans flagga har hissats i Nagorno-Karabachs huvudort. 27 dagar efter Azerbajdzjans anfall mot armenier i…

Armenien har formellt bekräftat sitt medlemskap i Internationella brottmålsdomstolen, ICC, rapporterar AFP. Beskedet ses som ett ställningstagande mot Ryssland, som tidigare varit en nära allierad. Om Vladimir Putin skulle sätta sin fot i Armenien innebär det att han måste gripas, då den ryska presidenten är efterlyst av ICC för krigsbrott i Ukraina. Armeniens president Vahagn Chatjaturjan uppger att beskedet gäller retroaktivt och att ICC ges möjlighet att utreda azeriska krigsbrott i Nagorno-Karabach.

Ungern motsätter sig EU-parlamentets linje att EU:s medlemsländer ska införa sanktioner mot ansvariga för Azerbajdzjans snabba tillintetgörande av det etniskt armeniska självstyret i Nagorno-Karabach. Det rapporterar TT. – Det är ett fantastiskt land och vi behöver dem, säger premiärministern Viktor Orbán på sin väg in till fredagens informella EU-toppmöte i Granada i Spanien. Han betonar vikten av att även framöver kunna importera energi från Azerbajdzjan för att ”komma bort från beroendet av rysk gas”.

Konflikten i Nagorno-Karabach har blossat upp igen. Samtidigt ska den omstridda fotbollsklubben Qarabag – som varit i exil sedan 1993 – spela sina matcher som vanligt. – Varje dag följer vi nyheterna och försöker förstå situationen, säger lagkaptenen Maksim Medvedev efter vinsten i Europa League mot Häcken.

Azerbajdzjans säkerhetstjänst släppte på torsdagen bilder på den tidigare självutnämnde presidenten i Nagorno-Karabach, Arajik Harutiunjan, som arresteras och eskorteras i handbojor av män i militäruniform.

Migrationen, det spända läget mellan Serbien och Kosovo, oroligheterna i Nagorno-Karabach och Rysslands krig mot Ukraina. Det är några av de tyngsta frågorna när EU-ledarna möts i Granada i Spanien i dag. Enligt Al Jazeera finns det förhoppningar om att ledarna för Serbien och Kosovo ska kunna komma överens om att hålla samtal efter den senaste tidens eskalering vid gränsen. EU-ledarna hade även hoppats att Azerbajdzjans president Ilham Aliyev och Armeniens premiärminister Nikol Pashinyan skulle mötas öga mot öga på mötet. Men Aliyev uteblir efter att ha ilsknat till mot vad han anser är partiskhet till förmån för Armenien från franskt och tyskt håll. En annan som inte dyker upp är Turkiets president Erdogan.