Darfur

Darfur är en region i västra Sudan. Den har varit skådeplats för en långvarig konflikt som har lett till en humanitär kris och massflykt av människor. Konflikten i Darfur har fått internationell uppmärksamhet och har lett till anklagelser om folkmord.

Denna text har genererats automatiskt

Abras fem bröder mördades – på samma gång: "Sa de hatar svarta män"

Abras fem bröder mördades – på samma gång: "Sa de hatar svarta män"

Sedan april förra året har Sudan slitits sönder av ett brutalt krig och en växande hungersnöd. I den västra delen av landet – i Darfurregionen – finns det även en oro för att en etnisk rensning, eller ett folkmord, ännu en gång har inletts och pågår i det tysta. – De sa att de hatar svarta män. De tog ut dem och tvingade dem att stå i rad. Sen dödade de dem, en efter en, säger Abra, en 34-årig flykting till TV4 Nyheternas utsända på plats vid gränsen till Sudan i Tchad. Abra berättar att alla hennes fem bröder dödades den dagen förra året. En dödades med en piska, en annan tvingades springa medan män slog på honom med pinnar. De fick inte hämta kropparna. De låg ute på gatan, i deras by, i två månader. De anklagas för etnisk rensning Det är svårt att få ut information från Sudan. Journalister kommer sällan in i landet och aldrig in till de värst drabbade områdena. Men satellitbilder visar att byar har bränts. Och det kommer vittnesuppgifter från flyktingarna. Abra bodde i Darfur i västra Sudan, ett område som har tagits över av den paramilitära gruppen Rapid Support Forces, som stöttas av Förenade Arabemiraten och anklagas för att försöka tvinga bort etniska afrikanska folk, med mord, tortyr och sexuellt våld. – Så många av våra flickor saknas. Pojkar också, säger Abra, som egentligen heter något annat, till TV4:s utsända. Nu bor hon i ett enormt temporärt flyktingläger inne i Tchad, vid gränsen till Sudan. Runt 200 000 personer bor här. De flesta är kvinnor och barn. ”Förödmjukade oss” Bredvid Abras lilla hem, som består av pinnar och en plastpersienn, bor Samira. Hon är skadad i axeln, en kula sitter fortfarande kvar där. Våldtäkter och sexuell förnedring är ett tabubelagt ämne för många här, men Samira berättar ändå om den "förnedringen" som hon och andra kvinnor i hennes by utsattes för. – De kom och tog oss ur våra hus. De slog oss och de sköt mig. De tog av alla våra kläder och förödmjukade oss. Jag var så förödmjukad att jag inte längre kunde se, berättar hon för TV4:s utsända.

ANALYS: Världens största humanitära kris är ett bortglömt krig

ANALYS: Världens största humanitära kris är ett bortglömt krig

Efter år av krig i Ukraina och Gaza kanske folk inte orkar höra om det som Inas Mustafa Hassan har genomlevt. Att hon, en 14-årig tjej, såg sin pappa mördas i sitt eget hem. Att hon sedan lämnade allt bakom sig och flydde till sin mamma i Tchad. Det är ännu ett människoöde, runt 150 centimeter långt och smalt som en speta, stående i lera precis vid gränsen mellan det söndertrasade hemlandet och ett av världens fattigaste länder som nu är hennes temporära hem. Kanske ett människoöde för mycket. Men vi kanske måste försöka ändå. Ett land i krig Statistiken är häpnadsväckande. Runt 150 000–200 000 personer har dött i strider (men mörkertalet är stort), runt 10 miljoner människor är på flykt, över 630 000 i läger i Tchad. Enligt vissa beräkningar kan upp mot 2 miljoner människor dö av hunger och hungersrelaterade sjukdomar i år. Kriget i Sudan startade i april 2023 när de två delarna av Sudans armé började strida: Rapid Support Force (RSF) tog snabbt huvudstaden Khartoum och stora delar av de västra och södra delarna av landet. I Darfur satte man igång att driva ut etniska afrikaner igen, som Inas och hennes familj. Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) kontrollerar de östra delarna av landet samt en enda stad i Darfur som under månader har varit omringad. Båda sidorna har internationellt stöd. RSF har Förenade Arabemiraten på sin sida, SAF får hjälp av Egypten och Iran. Ryssland verkar spela båda sidor och EU och USA försöker mest att ignorera konflikten och tänka på något annat. Knapphändig information Satellitbilder visar brända byar, flyktingläger och det som ser ut att vara massgravar, annars är det svårt att få ett grepp om vad som pågår i Sudan. Men, vid ett brunt vattendrag i mitten av Afrika får man ändå en känsla för kriget. Hundratals flyktingar plaskar över ån, som separerar Sudan från Tchad. De går vidare till läger drivna av UNHCR, där det finns mat och sjukvård. I ett sådant läger kommer nog Inas att fira sin nästa födelsedag. Om kriget inte tar slut snart kan hon kanske fira sin 25-årsdag där också. Blir lägret permanent kanske hon bor där som 35-åring. En bortglömd flykting från ett bortglömt krig med svaga minnen av sin mördade pappa.

Prigozjins liv på flykt: Anade att han skulle dö på ett flygplan

Prigozjins liv på flykt: Anade att han skulle dö på ett flygplan

I åratal använde Wagnergruppens ledare Jevgenij Prigozjin privata flygplan för att inte kunna spåras. Till slut verkar det vara precis det som blev hans död, skriver Wall Street Journal. Tidningen har talat med ryska flygvapenofficerare, Wagneravhoppare, tjänstemän från Afrika och Mellanöstern och andra som med insyn i Prigozjins resmönster för att kunna kartlägga hans flygresor – ända fram till den sista. Hans plan lyfte ofta från en flygplats utanför Moskva för möten i Syrien, Libyen eller flygresor tvärs över Sahara. Besättningen stängde ofta av transpondern, hade med sig falska pass och hörde av sig till flygledningskontrollerna mitt under flygningar för att meddela att destinationen ändrats. Mercenary leader moved around Russia, blocked surveillance and eluded sanctions until assassination in plane crash By Joe Parkinson, Drew Hinshaw, Jack Gillum and Benoit Faucon 30 august, 2023 Long before his private jet plunged from the sky, Yevgeny Prigozhin suspected it could be the stage for his assassination. The Embraer Legacy 600 was one of several private jets the chief of the Wagner mercenary firm outfitted with equipment to detect surveillance, electronically tinted smart windows and white leather seats. Aboard, Prigozhin sought to evade a growing dragnet of sanctions and wanted lists, according to former Russian air force officers, Wagner defectors, African and Middle Eastern officials and other people familiar with his travel routine. His jets, often setting off from Moscow’s Chkalovsky Air Force Base or nearby civilian airports to visit clients in Syria, Libya or across the Sahara, would regularly turn off their transponders, vanishing from plane tracking screens. Crews, known to carry fake passports, would revise passenger lists just before takeoff, then radio air-traffic control midflight to announce a sudden change of destination. From his time as a youth on the same tough St. Petersburg streets as Vladimir Putin, through his stints in prison and role as Russia’s most influential war entrepreneur, until finally becoming the only member of Putin’s inner circle to challenge him, Prigozhin spent a lifetime honing his ability to live on the run. It wasn’t enough to save him. The 62-year-old military entrepreneur’s jet came down in a patch of meadow about 40 miles from Putin’s lakeside residence on Aug. 23, killing all on board. U.S. officials have assessed that the plane crashed as the result of an assassination plot. The Russian government has said it is investigating the cause of the crash but hasn’t offered an explanation. It bulldozed the site, despite international safety norms that call for preserving it. In the years before the crash, Prigozhin and his crew put in place elaborate measures to mask his flight plans, testing the limits of how easily an international fugitive could jet through dozens of foreign airports undetected. To track Prigozhin’s movements, The Wall Street Journal reviewed flight records provided by Flightradar24, an aircraft-tracking service, since at least 2020. The U.S., which along with some 30 other countries sanctioned the warlord and his companies in recent years, had offered a $10 million reward for his capture and leaned on African partners including Niger to block his plane from landing or being serviced crossing the Sahara.  The Treasury Department barred U.S. citizens and companies from servicing or engaging with his planes and yachts after his social media troll farm churned out thousands of fake accounts that spread disinformation ahead of the 2016 presidential election. In April, a U.S. military reconnaissance aircraft appeared to follow one of his Wagner group airlifters about 70 miles off the coast of Syria and Lebanon, according to flight data from ADSB Exchange, another tracker. The mainstay of his fleet, the roughly $10 million Embraer Legacy 600, had changed its registration and jurisdiction several times since a Seychelles-based company linked to Prigozhin acquired it in 2018 from a firm registered in the British tax haven of Isle of Man, according to documents reviewed by the Journal. Prigozhin would sometimes shuffle between two or three different jets for a single one-way journey to the African countries where Wagner has contracts to protect leaders and national military juntas. Before landing he would question his crew on how closely ground staff would interact with the aircraft. He frequently conducted meetings in disguise or on runways in his jet in case he was threatened with capture and had to make a swift exit. Last October, Prigozhin landed at an air base in eastern Libya to meet Libyan militia leader Khalifa Haftar, dressed in a military uniform, sporting dark sunglasses and a bushy fake beard and flanked by a security detail. Gleb Irisov, a former Russian air force officer, said he regularly bumped into Prigozhin at the Chkalovsky air base, boarding flights to Africa surrounded by bodyguards. Prigozhin stepped up security measures further after his aborted June mutiny, in which he threatened to march his mercenary army to Moscow. When flying inside Russia, he stopped flying out of the Moscow air base or other Russian military airstrips, and also stopped using government jets from the Ministry of Civil Defense, Emergencies and Disaster Management, according to people familiar with the situation. He set out on his final Africa tour in August from a sleepy commercial airport 20 miles southeast of the capital, adding himself to the passenger list shortly before takeoff. Russia’s state-controlled press is full of speculation about the cause of the crash, which also killed Wagner deputy Dmitry Utkin and other close associates. Speaking to the nation after the explosion, Putin called Prigozhin an old friend from the 1990s who “made some serious mistakes in life.” Social media channels considered close to the Federal Security Service, or FSB, suggested Prigozhin’s security protocols had weakened in the months before the flight. Other channels have pointed to uncorroborated testimony of aircrew who cited unusual repairs ahead of the final flight or the visit of two men who said they were prospective buyers of the jet, hours before the crash. “Prigozhin travels a lot so there’s your opportunity” to have him killed, said Dan Hoffman, former CIA station chief in Moscow. He likened Prigozhin’s relationship with Putin to a scene in “The Godfather” when Michael Corleone tells the traitor Carlo Rizzi he will be exiled to Las Vegas, only to have him murdered minutes later. Prigozhin had once counted himself among the few loyalists in the shrinking circle of hard-liners around the autocrat. After the failed mutiny, the Putin-Prigozhin relationship became murkier. In a speech several days after, Putin revealed his government had financed most of Wagner’s operating expenses, after years denying the government funding. Belarus’s authoritarian leader, Alexander Lukashenko, claimed to have persuaded Putin not to move ahead with a preset plan to execute Prigozhin. Wagner was invited to decamp to Belarus, and Prigozhin arrived at an airfield outside Minsk in the Embraer Legacy 600 as the country was constructing 300 tents for his fighters. On Aug. 1, that tent city began to vanish from satellite pictures, as authorities apparently dismantled it. After that, Prigozhin began to reappear in videos and voice memos, promising to expand Wagner’s footprint in Africa. He offered mercenaries to the military regime that in July seized power in Niger.A few days before his death, he used a Soviet-designed Ilyushin Il-76 jet to fly from Central African Republic to Mali, where he posed with a sniper rifle and four magazines strapped to a bulletproof vest, vowing to “make Russia even greater…and Africa even more free.” On the way, he avoided the airspace of Nigeria, whose government has been unsettled by Russia’s support for military governments in West Africa. The jet that crashed was present at pivotal moments in Wagner’s international expansion. In Sudan, just days after 2019 street protests toppled dictator Omar al-Bashir, it landed in Khartoum carrying high-ranking Russian military officials, according to Sudanese officials. The delegation, including Igor Osipov, the commander of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet, met with the governing military council to discuss how Russian private military assistance could help them face down swelling nationwide protests. A week later, the jet traveled the same route from Moscow carrying senior Sudanese officials including Lt. Gen. Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, commander of the Rapid Support Forces, an infamous paramilitary group accused of war crimes in the restive Darfur province. The commander, who goes by the mononym Hemedti, became Prigozhin’s key partner in Sudan, supplying him gold taken from mines the paramilitary group was able to expand and secure with equipment and arms provided by Wagner. Prigozhin was present at several key meetings in Khartoum around that time but often traveled under a pseudonym, according to Sudanese officials who saw him at the Republican Palace and were briefed on the meetings. The Embraer Legacy 600 jet was beginning to attract the attention of Russian journalists and the U.S. Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control, which added the jet and Autolex, the registered Seychelles owner, to sanctions in September 2019. Shortly after, Prigozhin deregistered it and re-registered it to a St. Petersburg company, Trans Logistik. Now registered as RA-02795, the jet was used to fly leaders of the Central African Republic in June 2021 from St. Petersburg, where they attended the international economic forum, to their capital city Bangui. U.S. officials, which had begun tracking the plane, asked African allies to monitor it and enforce sanctions. The government of Niger agreed to block Prigozhin’s planes from its airspace, jeopardizing his ability to fly across the vast Saharan desert.Within days of his June mutiny, Prigozhin was back on the Embraer Legacy 600, shuttling between a military air base in Belarus, Moscow and St. Petersburg. At the end of July, he flew to St. Petersburg to try to network on the margins of a Russia-Africa summit hosted by Putin that he wasn’t allowed to officially attend. Back in Russia after the final trip to Africa, he again took off in his Embraer Legacy 600 jet from Moscow bound for St. Petersburg on Aug. 23. The plane vanished from flight-tracking websites. U.S. officials, monitoring for signs of a surface-to-air missile, saw none, and concluded the explosion was caused by some alternative form of sabotage, such as an onboard bomb. Flightradar24 reported Prigozhin’s plane falling rapidly from about 28,000 feet before it stopped transmitting. On Tuesday, the warlord was buried in a short and sparsely attended service in his hometown’s Porokhovskoye cemetery. In an undated video statement that circulated on Russian social media in recent days, Prigozhin used eerily prescient language to describe what he thought was happening to the Russian state. “You better kill me, but I won’t lie,” he says. “I have to be honest: Russia is on the brink of disaster. If these cogs are not adjusted today, the plane will fall apart in midair.” Nicholas Bariyo and Kate Vtorygina contributed to this article.

Darfur på YouTube

Living Darfur (Official Music Video)

The official music video for 'Living Darfur' filmed on the border of Chad and Darfur. Look out for Matt Damon in the intro!

mattafixdarfur på YouTube

Genocide in Africa | National Geographic

What's going on in Sudan? ➡ Subscribe: http://bit.ly/NatGeoSubscribe About National Geographic: National Geographic is the ...

National Geographic på YouTube

Mattafix - Living Darfur (With Intro By Tom Stoppard)

Mattafix - Living Darfur (With Intro By Tom Stoppard) EMI France (P) 2007 Beegood t/a Buddhist Punk, under exclusive licence to ...

emimusic på YouTube

Inside the Forgotten War in Darfur, Where the Killing Never Stopped

DARFUR, Sudan — The jagged peaks of the Jebel Marra mountains rise suddenly out of an endless stretch of desert in western ...

VICE News på YouTube

Don Cheadle speaks about the conflict in Darfur

Instant Karma: The Campaign To Save Darfur is Amnesty International's new Make Some Noise campaign. In the spirit of peace ...

savedarfur på YouTube

Darfur i poddar

Why are thousands of people fleeing Darfur?

“Those who are not killed are hiding”.Thousands of new refugees have crossed into Chad from Darfur in recent weeks - all describing scenes of horror as the Rapid Support Forces, or RSF, establish their dominance across the region in western Sudan.The RSF was created from the feared Janjaweed militia which destroyed villages and killed or displaced hundreds of thousands of people in Darfur in 2003 and 2004. Its leader, Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo - widely known as Hemedti - used to be a Janjaweed commander. Now the RSF is expected to take the capital city of north Darfur - Al Fashar - previously a safe haven for the non-Arab population. Around 50 thousand internally displaced people had already sought shelter there earlier in the war, prompting fears of an even greater humanitarian disaster.For today’s Africa Daily, Alan Kasujja gets the latest on the situation from Suliman Baldo of the Sudan Crisis Research Network as well as from Seif Nemir who managed to get his family out of the embattled city of El Geneina in June.

Darfur's ethnic war

We hear about the start of the war in Darfur, through the eyes of a teenage boy whose life was changed when the Sudanese military allied to a local militia, the Janjaweed, laid waste to villages across the region, killing and raping as they went. We hear from a survivor of Norway's worst day of terror, when a far-right extremist, Anders Breivik, launched a bomb attack on government offices and attacked a summer camp. Plus a story from our archives from a British army officer during World War Two who witnessed the end of Italy's colonial rule in East Africa during a final battle in the Ethiopian town of Gondar. From Brazil, the women's rights activist whose story of abuse inflicted by her husband inspired the country's first legislation recognising different forms of domestic violence in 2006. Lastly, the story of how the family of the artist Vincent Van Gogh worked to get him recognised as a great painter after he died penniless in 1890. Photo: A young Darfurian refugee walks past a Sudan Liberation Army Land Rover filled with teenage rebel fighters on October 14 2004 in the violent North Darfur region of Sudan. (Photo by Benjamin Lowy/Getty Images)

Call for investigation into Darfur atrocities

Human Rights Watch has called for an investigation into an increase in atrocities in Sudan's Darfur region, since recent fighting between the army and Rapid Support Forces paramilitaries began.After disputed elections, Sierra Leone's President Julius Maada Bio announces a new cabinet. A third of its members are women, and for the first time ever a significant number are in their thirties. We talk to the new chief minister David Monina Sengeh, 36, about his role.With Zambia's Copper Queens due to make their debut at the FIFA Women’s World Cup this week, we hear from team captain Barbra Banda. Is there really enough evidence to support gender eligibility regulations?

A Look Back: The On Going Genocide In Darfur

The genocide in Darfur, Sudan, refers to a conflict that began in the early 2000s and resulted in the mass killings, displacement, and widespread human rights abuses targeting the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa ethnic groups, among others. While the conflict has its roots in complex historical, political, and socioeconomic factors, it is primarily characterized by the systematic and deliberate violence perpetrated by the Sudanese government-backed Janjaweed militia against civilian populations.Background: Darfur, a region in western Sudan, has a long history of tensions between nomadic Arab herders and sedentary African farmers over land and resources. However, the conflict escalated in 2003 when rebel groups from the marginalized Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa communities launched attacks against government targets, accusing the central government of neglect and discrimination.Government Response: In response to the rebel uprising, the Sudanese government, under the leadership of President Omar al-Bashir, initiated a brutal counter-insurgency campaign. Instead of targeting the rebel groups directly, the government-backed Janjaweed militia was mobilized to carry out attacks against civilian populations suspected of supporting the rebels. The government's tactics included aerial bombardments, village burnings, mass killings, rape, and forced displacement.Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing: The violence in Darfur quickly escalated into a full-blown humanitarian crisis. The Janjaweed militia, comprised of Arab militias, often attacked African villages, looting properties, killing men, women, and children, and subjecting women to widespread sexual violence. The scale and brutality of the attacks led to allegations of genocide and ethnic cleansing by the Sudanese government and its Janjaweed proxies. The government's systematic targeting of specific ethnic groups for extermination or displacement provided evidence of their genocidal intent.International Response: The international community responded to the crisis in Darfur with varying degrees of urgency and effectiveness. The United Nations (UN) deployed peacekeeping forces, known as the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), to protect civilians and facilitate humanitarian aid.However, the mission faced numerous challenges, including insufficient resources and constraints imposed by the Sudanese government.The International Criminal Court (ICC) took action by issuing arrest warrants for several Sudanese officials, including President Omar al-Bashir, who was indicted on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. However, al-Bashir remained in power and was not extradited to the ICC, further complicating efforts to hold perpetrators accountable.Humanitarian Crisis: The violence in Darfur resulted in one of the largest and most protracted humanitarian crises in recent history.The conflict displaced an estimated 2.7 million people, with many seeking refuge in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps or fleeing to neighboring Chad. The displacement led to severe food shortages, lack of clean water, inadequate healthcare, and outbreaks of diseases, causing immense suffering and loss of life.Peace Efforts and Current Situation:Over the years, various peace agreements and initiatives have been attempted to resolve the conflict in Darfur. The most notable of these was the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (DDPD), signed in 2011 between the Sudanese government and a major rebel group. However, the DDPD has not fully implemented, and sporadic violence and clashes between different armed groups continue to pose challenges to lasting peace in the region.Now, hostilities are flaring and the Janjaweed have started to torment the ethnic africans all over again.(commercial at 12:23)to contact me:bobbycapucci@portonmail.comsource:China, Myanmar and now Darfur ... the horror of genocide is here again (msn.com)This show is part of the Spreaker Prime Network, if you are interested in advertising on this podcast, contact us at https://www.spreaker.com/show/5003294/advertisement

The Killings Return to Darfur — with Niemat Ahmadi, Gerrit Kurtz and Kwangu Liwewe

The war in Sudan, between the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) controlled by Mohamad Hamdan Dagalo and the Sudanese Armed Forces led by Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, has killed thousands of civilians and displaced millions. The two men were formerly partners, leading Sudan’s military junta before Dagalo’s ambitions created a rift between them that has torn the country in two.    But for the people of Darfur, a predominantly Black African region in Sudan’s arid west, the catastrophe has been particularly pronounced. Under Dagalo and Burhan’s predecessor, Omar al-Bashir, Arab supremacist Janjaweed militias terrorized the area for years, torturing and murdering countless civilians in a genocidal campaign aimed at wiping out the non-Arab population. In the intervening years, Dagalo turned those militias into the RSF, his own private paramilitary army — and since the outbreak of war in 2022, they have once more been unleashed upon Darfur to finish what they started.   “This time around is even worse than 20 years ago,” Niemat Ahmadi, founder and president of the Darfur Women Action Group, tells New Lines magazine’s Kwangu Liwewe.  “Now they have grown into more sophisticated militia, with training, equipment and international enablers supplying them with weapons and money.”   They are a specter that has loomed over the region for decades. Though the international community did eventually declare the Janjaweed campaign a genocide, and al-Bashir was indicted by the International Criminal Court, the RSF only grew in influence while al-Bashir was never handed over for trial. “People who have been displaced 20 years ago have never been able to go home because their attackers have yet to be held accountable,” Ahmadi says.     Even today, the army has done little to protect people, she adds. Earlier this year, the RSF carried out the worst massacre of the war in front of them, murdering and torturing hundreds of civilians in El Geneina. “They didn't move.” “This is actually a pattern,” says Gerrit Kurtz, a researcher at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs. When Dagalo and Burhan governed together, he explains, it was common for the regular armed forces to stand by without intervening while RSF fighters committed atrocities. Moreover, he points out, now they are at war, Dagalo’s forces are winning.    “The RSF already controls most of Darfur,” he says. “They've captured the state capitals of  three states in Darfur. And they were already in control of the east.”   In the absence of anywhere else to turn, some have looked to the international community for help. They have received little. “International actors are overwhelmed,” Kurtz says. “They are not united, and they are not mobilizing sufficient efforts to actually reign in this kind of horrific violence.”  “And what is most painful,” says Ahmadi, “is that it seems like this does not mobilize or generate outrage as it used to.”

Ethnic Cleansing Has Returned to Darfur. Is Genocide Next?

In 2003 a militia drawn from ethnic Arab tribes in Darfur, known as the Janjaweed, partnered with the government of Sudan in a genocidal campaign against non-Arab tribes in the region. An estimated 300,000 people were killed in the 2003-2004 Darfur genocide. In August 2023, there is mounting evidence of ethnic cleansing is again underway in Darfur, and the US Holocaust Memorial Museum is warning that there is risk of a full blown genocide.   As Cameron Hudson of the Center for Strategic and International Studies explains, what is happening in Darfur today is reminiscent of the Genocide 20 years ago. We kick off discussing the current campaign of ethnic cleansing underway in Darfur.  He then explains how the genocidal Janjaweed militia became the Rapid Support Forces, which are carrying out these atrocities while battling for control of the whole of Sudan in a full blown civil war that began in April. We discuss how the Rapid Support Forces funds its operations, and the support it is receiving from the United Arab Emirates. Global Dispatches will bear witness to the unfolding crisis in Darfur even as it is far from the headlines of most western outlets. We will offer original reporting, and give you the analysis and context you need to understand this crisis as it unfolds through a series we are calling Darfur Genocide Watch. To access this series and support our work, become a paid subscriber in Apple Podcasts, via Patreon or via Substack  

Climate Wars: Darfur

In a five-part series for the Compass, former Army Major Will Robson investigates how climate change is fuelling conflict across the globe, from guerrilla raids on farmer-herders in Africa to a chilling new Cold War in the Arctic. He’ll be speaking to both climate and conflict experts to unravel the complicated threads that connect climatic changes, violence, war and global insecurity. In the first episode, he focuses on what has often described as the first climate change war – the conflict in Darfur in Western Sudan – and hears from farmers and pastoralists who have returned to their war-ravaged lands to try to rebuild among the challenges of desertification and climate change.Image: Internally displaced Sudanese people prepare to collect water from a tap near their makeshift shelter within the Kalma camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Darfur, Sudan April 26, 2019 (Credit:Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah/Reuters)

Fearing the Worst in Darfur, Again

Since the outbreak of the war in Sudan, the West Darfur region has seen a dramatic resurgence in violence. While the RSF and the Sudanese army have focused their war effort on the capital Khartoum, fighting has erupted between Arab and non-Arab militias and paramilitary groups in West Darfur. Reports of mass atrocities and displacement share unsettling similarities to the brutal war that devastated Darfur 20 years ago. With the main conflict actors in Sudan being seemingly no closer to a peace deal after more than two months of fighting, the violence seems unlikely to subside. This week on The Horn, Alan Boswell speaks with Jerome Tubiana, writer, researcher, and a former Sudan analyst for Crisis Group, about the escalating violence in West Darfur. They discuss the history of conflict in Darfur, factors that played into escalating tensions on the eve of Sudan's new war, and how the outbreak of conflict in April has led to a rapid deterioration of stability in the region. They highlight the brutal tactics of armed groups in the region and the devastating toll that has taken on civilians. They talk about the actors involved and how the RSF and the Sudanese army view the conflict in Darfur. They also address if the fighting in Darfur might spread further in the region and into Chad and why peace in Khartoum might not be enough to end the violence in Sudan’s peripheries. For more in-depth analysis on the conflict in Sudan, check out our latest briefing “A Race against Time to Halt Sudan’s Collapse” and our Sudan country page.  Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Darfur Genocide Part 1

The genocide of ethnic Darfuris in Sudan started in 2003 and has been called the first 21st-century genocide in the world. Follow us on Instagram and Facebook @societyofstrifepodcast and Twitter @societyofstrife. Support us via patreon.com/societyofstrife.

Sudan Civil War & Genocide in Darfur with Dallia Abdelmoniem

We discuss the ongoing war Sudan, including Khartoum and the genocide in Darfur, with Sudanese journalist-in-exile Dallia Abdelmoniem.  Featuring new music from the Sudanese diaspora, as well as a monologue on genocide in Gaza and our responsibility to lend solidarity to stop the violence.

Darfur: Seeking justice

Does Sudan's new dawn finally mean a chance for justice? The country’s former president, Omar al-Bashir, is charged with war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide in Darfur. Having lost power, he’s finally facing trial. But after so long, what does it mean to the victims? Thanks for listening. Let us know what you think. #TheComb Get in touch: thecomb@bbc.comProduced by Mary Goodhart